Archive for April 24th, 2009

When is inequality constructive?

April 24th, 2009

By Candace Williams, An Aspiring Educator’s Blog

In the Boston Review article Inequality matters: Why globalization doesn’t lift all boats (via thickculture), Nancy Birdsall clarifies the distinction between constructive inequality and deconstructive inequality:

Distinguishing between constructive and destructive inequality is useful. To clarify the distinction: inequality is constructive when it creates positive incentives at the micro level. Such inequality reflects differences in individuals’ responses to equal opportunities and is consistent with efficient allocation of resources in an economy. In contrast, destructive inequality reflects privileges for the already rich and blocks potential for productive contributions of the less rich.

I’m used to thinking about issues of inequality and social justice on the macro-level. Inequality of social, economic, and political opportunity is one of the reasons why I teach and advocate for the rights of children. What about at the level of my classroom? When does inequality constructive or deconstructive in the context of pedagogies and learning environments? The most pervasive example of inequality teachers and administrators construct is grades. Although many schools try to make grades a reflection of how students are progressing on standards, the reality for many schools, is that grades both reflect and institutionalize tracks and hierarchies. Students with relatively higher grades have access to different pathways and resources than students who have relatively higher grades. There are different reasons why decision-makers at the classroom, school, and district level choose to have grades. In the classroom, I have noticed many teachers believe grades are an incentive structure: students and parents, on the whole, want higher grades rather than lower grades. Many are willing and able to change their behaviors to reflect this incentive.

Are grading I’ve seen examples of constructive or deconstructive inequality? On one hand, they are deconstructive because students are receiving marks on a scale without having access to the same academic and socioeconomic opportunities as their peers. Over time, students who fit into the culture of power and continue to have experiences that are valued by the school get higher grades, while students who do not have these opportunities get lower. The grades of students are compared and opportunities are doled out accordingly. This is deconstructive – the “potential for productive contributions” of struggling students is blocked. On the other hand, I have seen grading practices where the function and reason is feedback. When students are presented with qualitative and quantitative feedback about their performance, and have access to resources to improve, this feedback might alter micro-level incentives for them to engage in the process. This is more constructive than the case given above because the quality of resources and environments we offer children are not a function of their perceived level in academic hierarchies. Other examples of inequalities we construct are our classroom management schemes. They often feature preferred behaviors paired to positive and negative consequences that change a students’ academic and social reality.

Constructive and deconstructive inequalities exist in learning environments. Teachers have control over some of these inequalities, especially classroom management and community building structures. Administrators have more control over grading, curriculum, and tracking. Students also create their own inequalities via social hierarchies that are based on perceived intelligence, beauty, and other factors. Although teachers do not have complete control over the inequalities that manifest themselves in a classroom space, when it comes to the choices we make, we have to ask: “Am I generating inequality? If so, is this inequality constructive or deconstructive?”.

What are your thoughts? Does this distinction hold or does it rely too heavily on capitalist constructions?

Excessive Focus on Bubble Students? Change the Measure

April 24th, 2009

(by Jacques Arsenault)

Jay Matthews writes in this week’s Washington Post about the predisposition of schools to place a strong emphasis, in the NCLB era, on the performance of “on-the-bubble” students. He refers to a March 13 Ed Week commentary by Cesar Chavez Public Charter School teacher Sarah Fine (subscription required) in which she describes the focus placed on students at the cusp of proficiency, often to the detriment of other students who are considered either “safe bets” to cross the bar, or those who are seen as unlikely to reach the passing standards.

Matthews writes:

I have been hearing for some time about this practice of devoting special attention to what are called the “on-the-bubble” kids. They are close to scoring proficient on the annual test, which affects the school’s rating under the No Child Left Behind law. Some schools give them extra teacher time, leaving less help for lower-performing students, such as Shawn, who have no chance of increasing the passing rate. I sometimes shrugged this off as just one more sign of poorly led schools. A good principal, I said, would put an end to such nonsense.

But Fine’s story surprised me, because she is working at one of the city’s best-led public schools.

This pattern, while unfortunate and unfair to most students, is an inevitable result of an accountability system that puts its emphasis on one performance mark. In the case of No Child Left Behind, the system is set up on a “percent-proficient basis, where schools are graded on the percentage of students in several groups that achieve proficiency on particular standardized tests.

Accountability systems in education and other fields are predictable, in that people will respond to the incentives given and the standards proposed. At worst, the incentives can have lead to actions such as the widespread cheating on Chicago Public Schools testing uncovered by Steven Levitt in 2005. Even when the rules are followed, teachers and schools will change their behavior to focus on the specific measures on which they will be graded.

In a percent-proficient structure, e.g., if a score of 70 is considered proficient, then a teacher (A) who has students scoring:

95, 85, 82, 78, 75, 71, 53, 46, 34, 25 (60% proficient)

will be considered more successful than another teacher (B) whose students score

100, 95, 89, 78, 69, 68, 68, 67, 66, 65 (50% proficent)

Even though most of the students in Teacher B’s classroom are performing at a higher standard than their individual counterparts, Teacher A has more students passing the 70 mark, and is thus rewarded for the work she put in with her “on-the-bubble” students to get them over the hump.

This type of system can result in schools devoting full class periods to “bubble sheet skills” or teachers spending an inordinate amount of time with “bubble students” while ignoring the needs of students on the ends of the spectrum.

Several approaches have been proposed or instituted by schools or systems to address the shortcomings of the “percent-proficient” based testing system, and they generally fall into three categories:

1. Value-add: shifts the basis of measurement from “standard” to “progress.” As Mathews writes,

The best solution, just about everyone agrees, would be to accelerate the expected change of No Child Left Behind to a value-added assessment. Once states and the District improve their computer systems, they can rate each school by how much each child improves, rather than the current method of recognizing schools that reach a designated percentage of passing scores.

Value add measures introduce some questions themselves, including whether it is enough that students are making progress in a grade if they come in one or more grade levels below, (e.g., if a 6th grader begins the year reading at a 4th grade level and finishes it reading at a 5th grade level, how should we evaluate that progress?). Are we closing the achievement gap by doing this, or is it enough that we are not allowing the gap to increase further?
On a logistical basis, are there ways to either combine value-add and proficiency scores, or to report them separately but to treat each as valuable in its own right?

2. Multiple score standards: rather than simply having a cut-off at proficient, this idea would measure the percentage of students performing at proficient, as well as, for example, those 10+ percentile points above proficient, and 10 percentile points below. In this way, teachers and schools would be incentivized not just to focus on those students on the cusp, but also to bring the bottom-performing students closer to the proficient mark, and to move the accelerated students beyond just clearing the proficiency bar.

3. Alternative methods of assessing student performance and knowledge: While the first two options listed here focus on how test data is collected and analyzed, this third option seeks to change the structure of the assessments themselves. In many cases, this is a call for adding to, or replacing, the standardized test with more qualitative or “performance-based” measures. Mathews calls for some version of this in his column, saying:

There should also be a way to honor Fine’s request for an extra dimension, such as reporting a rise in students doing scientific experiments or writing analytical papers.

But there are already examples of measures such as these being used, in the International Baccalaureate curriculum (as Mathews notes), and in new, performance-based systems such as Rhode Island’s Portfolio graduation option, which several school districts are beginning to role out, through a program designed by Brown University and the Rhode Island Department of Education, with funding from the Gates Foundation.

Each of these alternatives to the “percent proficient” measurement system requires more effort or resources being put into the assessment process, but we must remember that teachers and schools will respond to the accountability measures that they are given. Just as we must continue to improve the quality of content on assessments given to students, there is an equal imperative to continue to improve the way we collect and assess the outcomes that we desire for our children.

The aims and requirements of providing high-quality education to all students are not as simple as a single arbitrary line-score on a single exam, and so our testing regimes probably should not be either.

(Cross-posted at Jacques of All Trades)

Strip Search Argument Highlights

April 24th, 2009

I’ve pulled out some gems from the oral argument in Stafford Unified School District v. Redding, the student strip search case now pending in the Supreme Court. Even non-attorneys may enjoy this. Read on for a discussion about what kids do with permanent markers, the “ick factor” of “crotching” drugs and, maybe, an over-share from Justice Breyer. Get the full transcript here (pdf).

JUSTICE SCALIA: Any contraband, like the black marker pencil that — that astounded me. That was contraband in that school, wasn’t it, a black marker pencil?
MR. WRIGHT: Well, for sniffing.
JUSTICE SCALIA: Oh, is that what they do?
MR. WRIGHT: It’s a permanent marker.
JUSTICE SCALIA: They sniff them?
MR. WRIGHT: Well, that’s the — I mean, I’m a school lawyer. That’s what kids do, Your Honor, unfortunately, Your Honor. But –
JUSTICE SCALIA: Really?

JUSTICE SCALIA: Could I come back to your distinguishing a strip search from a cavity search. What would you require before you would allow a cavity search?
MR. WRIGHT: Nothing at all. A bright line rule. I would not allow it.
JUSTICE SCALIA: No cavity search in school, no matter what?
MR. WRIGHT: We’re not even clinically trained to do that, Your Honor. I would submit that if a child has something stuffed up one of their cavities — and I assume we mean private parts, the very private parts — that the first thing to do would be to send them to the hospital. I mean, we just don’t have that clinical training.

JUSTICE SCALIA: Now, if — if you have a reasonable suspicion that the student has drugs and you search every other place, you search in the student’s pack, you search the student’s outer garments, and you have a reasonable suspicion that the student has drugs, don’t you have, after conducting all these other searches, a reasonable suspicion that she has drugs in her underpants?
MR. O’NEIL: No, Justice Scalia, we believe that you don’t –
JUSTICE SCALIA: All right.
MR. O’NEIL: — without — without –
JUSTICE SCALIA: Your logic fails me.
MR. O’NEIL: Well, Justice –
JUSTICE SCALIA: You — you reasonably suspect the student has drugs. You’ve searched everywhere else. By God, the drugs must be in her underpants.

MR. O’NEIL: No, because we believe that where you have reasonable suspicion that there is contraband in the underwear, then you could go directly to that location, and you wouldn’t have to work from the outside in. But, Justice Scalia, it takes –
CHIEF JUSTICE ROBERTS: Oh, surely not. You are saying if you have reasonable suspicion that it’s in the underwear, you shouldn’t even bother searching the pack or the pockets. You should go straight to the underwear. That can’t be right.

JUSTICE SOUTER: But you are — you are saying basically there is — there is no general understanding that people carry ibuprofen in — in their undergarments.
MR. O’NEIL: That is — that is true.

MR. WOLF: Well, I mean, to start, that’s not what T.L.O. said. T.L.O. said that there needs to be a reasonable –
JUSTICE SOUTER: I’m — I’m saying it.
(Laughter.)
JUSTICE SOUTER: We — We’ve got a new case.
(Laughter.)

JUSTICE GINSBURG: Do you agree with Mr. O’Neil when he said if the drug had been cocaine, and it’s well known that cocaine is carried in underwear, that then this would not run afoul of the Fourth Amendment? He gave an example of a drug where there was a custom of carrying it in a certain way.
MR. WOLF: Right. I think if it were readily known that this student had previously been suspected of — to use the term that’s used in the court of appeal cases — “crotching” that drug, well, then, perhaps that would have been appropriate.

MR. WOLF: Well if there’s probable cause and they want to call the police officers in, then they can do that. But that’s not what happened here. What this school official did was act on nothing more than a hunch, if that, that Savana was currently concealing Ibuprofen pills underneath her underpants for other’s oral consumption. I mean there’s a certain ick factor to this.

JUSTICE BREYER: It’s not like you have any studies on this. But I mean, I hate to tell you, but it seems to me like a logical thing when an adolescent child has some pills or something, they know people are looking for them, they will stick them in their underwear. I’m not saying everyone would, but I mean, somebody who thinks that that’s a fairly normal idea for some adolescent with some illegal drugs to think of, I don’t think he’s totally out to lunch, is he?

JUSTICE BREYER: So what am I supposed to do? In my experience when I was 8 or 10 or 12 years old, you know, we did take our clothes off once a day, we changed for gym, okay? And in my experience, too, people did sometimes stick things in my underwear –
(Laughter.)
JUSTICE BREYER: Or not my underwear. Whatever. Whatever. I was the one who did it? I don’t know. I mean, I don’t think it’s beyond human experience, not beyond human experience.

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